Covering an area of 513,115 square kilometres, roughly the size of France, Thailand displays remarkable topographical and climatic variety in its four major regions. Its population is also diverse:
though politically united and socially harmonious, many minority groups still preserve a cultural identity that is reflected in social, religious, and linguistic differences.
In the far north, bordered by Myanmar and Laos, granitic forest-clad mountains rise to heights of more than 2,000 metres, towering over fertile valleys watered by a number of rivers and streams. Teak and other hard-wood trees are indigenous to the region, and have provided basic building material for centuries. During the winter months, temperatures can drop to nearly freezing at higher altitudes, a climate that allows the cultivation of such temperate-zone crops as coffee, lychees, strawberries, and macadamia nuts which, thanks to modern methods of transportation, now regularly appear in Bangkok supermarkets.
The rolling Northeastern Plateau, by contrast, stretching to the Mekong River and sharing borders with both Laos and Cambodia, suffers from frequent droughts and thin, sandy soil. Conditions in this traditional ΓÇ£problem area,ΓÇ¥ however, are rapidly improving through the building of reservoirs and other man-made water facilities, as well as the introduction of new crops and the construction of new roads for more efficient movement of goods.
Most of the great events of Thai history have taken place in the Central Plains. Watered by the winding Chao Phraya River, this vast basin is one of the most fertile rice-growing areas in the world, protected from climatic extremes by mountains to the north and west and by the lofty Korat Plateau to the east. Assorted groups have been attracted to this region since prehistoric times, and three Thai capitals have drawn their sustenance from the extensive fields and orchards that spread across the flat countryside like pieces of a complex jigsaw puzzle.
Southern Thailand is a long peninsula, reaching like a probing elephantΓÇÖs trunk down to Malaysia and bordered for most of its length by the Gulf of Thailand on one side and the Indian Ocean on the other, with a ridge of jungled mountains in between in many areas. Some of the worldΓÇÖs most beautiful beaches and underwater scenery can be found along this coastline and on islands that lie just offshore.
The country is blessed with a wide range of natural resources. While logging has been banned, the northern and northeastern regions contain rich deposits of flourite, wolfram, and tungsten, and its riverine valleys support a large number of orchards and farms. Potash is plentiful in the northeast, and mulberry plantations have traditionally sustained the cultivation of silkworms; the worldΓÇÖs largest facility for producing hand-woven silk is located near Korat (Nakhon Ratchasima). Both flourite and gems are mined in the west, and some of the finest sapphires come from the southeast. The Chao Phraya valley has a network of irrigation canals supplying water not only to its countless rice fields but also to vegetable farms and fruit orchards. Natural gas deposits in the Gulf of Thailand are supplying energy for many development projects, particularly along the Eastern Seaboard. In addition to an abundant supply of seafood, the south has extensive deposits of tin, as well as huge plantations of rubber, coconuts, and cashew nuts.
ThailandΓÇÖs population reflects its history. Though the great majority are ethnically Thai and Buddhist, there are a substantial number of minority groups, most of whom have either been assimilated or lived together in harmony. Of these the Chinese are perhaps the most numerous, especially in urban areas, though because of intermarriage and long years of residence it is difficult to isolate them as a distinct group. Similarly, while there are large Lao and Khmer groups in the northeast and west, nearly all regard themselves as Thai, culturally as well as by nationality. More clearly defined are the Muslims, mainly concentrated in the southern provinces, and assorted tribal groups in the mountains of the far north; there are also sizeable communities of Hindus and Sikhs in large cities like Bangkok.
The Family
Perhaps the best way to comprehend Thai social values is to focus on the basic unit, the family, and not in an urban setting but in a rural village, which is where most Thais live. Generally this will be an extended family, consisting of several generations living under one roof, or perhaps several roofs within the same compound. It is here that the Thai child learns codes of behaviour that will guide him/her through much of later life, whether spent in the village or beyond.
In a typical village, home is usually a simple, wooden house raised on posts; domestic animals like buffaloes, pigs, and chickens are kept below, while the family lives above, often in a single room though larger structures may consist of several rooms around a common outdoor platform. There is little privacy, which is not as highly regarded as in Western societies ; and the communal life style instills a strong sense of social harmony in which tact, compromise, and tolerance are essential. Even in large cities, several generations are likely to share the same compound. The father is regarded as the leader, but the mother also plays a significant role, particularly in the family finances and instruction of the children.
When small, children are treated permissively by various older members of the family, which as often as not will include grandparents and sometimes more distant relatives as well. Respect for elders is taught very early on, however, and by the time a child walks he is aware of his position in the family hierarchy, a distinction that applies not only to the relationship between parents and children but also to that between siblings of various ages. This same delineation of roles also applies to the wider world outside the family and will remain deeply ingrained throughout life, thus explaining the reluctance of younger Thais to oppose or otherwise confront a senior during their subsequent careers in business or government. It also explains the close bonds that continue to bind members of family even though they may be scattered far apart.
A sense of responsibility is also inculcated in early childhood. Each child is assigned certain duties according to age and ability ΓÇô feeding livestock, leading the family buffalo to graze in nearby pastures, taking care of younger brothers and sisters while parents are at work in the fields. As they grow older, responsibilities increase and they are allowed to participate in family discussions, with their opinions taken into account when important decisions are made.
One of the prime responsibilities placed on children is that of taking care of parents in their old age, a prominent feature of the Thai concept of family. This is not done out of a mere sense of duty or with any feeling of being inconvenienced; on the contrary, their wisdom gives aged parents an honoured place in the household and their counsel is actively sought in teaching grandchildren and great grandchildren to be responsible adults with the same traditional values.
Village Organization and Leadership
Beyond the family, the next largest unit of society is the village. Although there are regional variations in house styles and methods of crop cultivation, and the settings may vary, in essence Thai villages are all remarkably similar, revolving around well-defined climatic, religious, and farming seasons.
A typical village contains around 100 to 150 households, or an average of 500 to 700 inhabitants. The houses are nearly all simple wooden structures, elevated on posts; a small wooden granary, also elevated, is often found beside the house, together with large earthenware jars in which rainwater is stored for drinking. Most villages now have electricity, but water for washing and cooking comes from canals, rivers, or ponds, or, in the arid northeast, from communal wells.
On the village outskirts are the local school and the wat, or Buddhist monastery, sometimes adjacent to one another, or the mosque in a muslim village, The school is generally a wooden building, perhaps a single room where several classes are held simultaneously; an essential feature is the flag-pole upon which the Thai flag is ceremoniously raised each school morning and lowered in the evening. The monastery, constructed and maintained largely through local donations and thus reflecting the villageΓÇÖs wealth, is often separated from the community by an open field to give the resident monks maximum privacy and seclusion for their religious activities. This grassy expanse also serves as the village common, a place where children play kickball and where local fairs are held. Though usually two or three of the village women are experienced midwives, there is no full-time medical facility; in case of serious illness or injury, villagers must go to the nearest district hospital, sometimes a considerable distance away.
The village is self-governing, led by an elected headman, or phu-yai-ban, who until 1983 was always a man; since that year, however, women were also elected to the position. A candidate is
not affiliated with any political party but must be a literate Thai householder who has resided in the village at least six months and be at least 25 years old. If he retains the villagersΓÇÖ support, the phu-yai-ban can remain in the post until retirement at 60 through repeated re-elections; by the same token, he can be removed if he forfeits their respect.
It is the job of the phu-yai-ban to preserve the social harmony valued so highly by all Thais by diplomatically settling minor disputes, taking care to ensure that neither party feels cheated or loses face. In addition, he keeps the village birth and death records and acts as a spokesman for the community in negotiations with the government bureaucracy.
Neighbouring villages are organized into groups known as tambon, the basic administrative unit of Thailand, which, depending on topography and population density, consists of two to 28 villages. Each is administered by a Subdistrict Council, composed of all the village headmen, one of whom is elected to be the chairperson, or kamnan.
During the last decade, the government has made strong efforts to decentralize government and administrative power to the people. Not surprisingly, the Subdistrict Council has been a prime target in these efforts, which led to the promulgation of the Subdistrict Council and Subdistrict Administration
Organization Act in 1994. All Subdistrict Councils were made legal bodies as of March 1995, which enabled a majority of them, whose average revenue over three consecutive years amounted to 150,000 baht or more, to change their status to Subdistrict Administrative Organizations, or local self-government authoritiies. By 1999, almost all the subdistricts were expected to have been transformed into Subdistrict Administrative Organizations.
A Subdistrict Administrative Organization (SAO) is composed of a legislative body (the Council) and an executive body (the Executive Board). The Council is composed of elected members (two from each village), while the Executive Board is composed of the chairman and two committee members selected by council members from among themselves.
The SAO is responsible for the economic, social, and cultural development within its jurisdiction as indicated by law. These activities include construction and maintenance of roads and waterways, garbage disposal and waste water treatment, prevention and relief of public disasters, promotion of local education, religion, and culture, promotion of development activities relating to women, children, the elderly, and disabled persons, support of natural resources and environmental development and other duties as assigned by higher government units. Moreover, the SAO may assume other duties such as providing clean water, providing and maintaining public electricity, building recreation centres, public parks, and sports centres, promoting family industries, and creating jobs.
The SAO has the authority to formulate its regulations, which have a legal status and can be enforced within its jurisdiction. It can perform these duties only within its own territory, though they may be undertaken outside its territory with the agreement and consent of other local government units if they are necessary and related to the tasks undertaken within the subdistrict area itself.
Besides the responsibilities and authorities specified by the 1994 Act, there are also duties specified by other laws such as the Building Control Act of 1979, the Public Health Act of 1992, the Land Maintenance Tax Act of 1965, the Land and Property Tax Act of 1932, the Signboard Act of 1967, and the Rabies Act of 1992.
The SAO has three main sources of revenue: (1) sources collected by the SAO itself, including land and building taxes, fees from licences, fines, and those generated from the management of public utilities and commerce of the SAO; (2) sources collected by other bodies of which a certain percentage is passed on to the SAO, such as value added tax, specific business tax, liquor tax, excise tax, and fees from motor vehicles; and (3) grants in aid from the central government.
In 1999, the SAO with the highest revenue was Koo Kot in Pathum Thani Province; its revenue, excluding grants, was 74.51 million baht. The SAO with the lowest revenue was Kranon in Khon Kaen Province, which had 50,779 baht.
The wat is the focal point of the village, symbolizing the Buddhist religion and also acting as the major unifying element, particularly during festivals and merit-making ceremonies when it also becomes a social centre for young and old alike. Abbots and senior monks frequently enjoy more prestige and moral persuasion than the village head, and in times of personal crisis they are often the first whose advice is sought. Within the wat the abbot has absolute administrative, clerical, custodial, disciplinary, and spiritual authority, and he also determines the monasteryΓÇÖs relationship with the village. If an abbot is scholarly, meditative, and retiring, the monastery is unlikely to concern itself much with mundane village affairs. On the other hand, if he is a dynamic personality he may make the wat a community centre with a subtle but powerful influence on social action. Every young man in the village, before he starts his own family, is expected to spend a period of study and reflection in the wat, thus increasing the influence of Buddhism. Ordination ceremonies on such occasions, usually held at the beginning of the rainy season after the planting is completed, are attended by most villagers, as well as friends and relatives from nearby communities.
Social Values
Buddhist teachings are at the root of the typical Thai villagerΓÇÖs sincere consideration for others, embodied in the virtue known as namchai, ΓÇ£water of the heart,ΓÇ¥ a concept encompassing spontaneous warmth and compassion that allows families to make anonymous sacrifices for friends and to extend
hospitality to strangers. For example, a stranger entering a village will rarely be seen as an intruder and a subject for suspicion and distrust. Much more likely, the villagers will have the namchai to take him in, feed him, offer him a bed in one of their homes, and generally treat him as a friend. Buddhism also lies behind such common expressions as mai pen rai (ΓÇ£never mind, it doesnΓÇÖt matterΓÇ¥) when something unfortunate happens, reflecting the feeling that one must gracefully submit to external forces beyond oneΓÇÖs control, such as the effects of past karma.
Although highly individualistic and resisting regimentation, Thais nevertheless believe that inner freedom is best preserved in an emotionally and physically stable environment. Therefore, they believe that social harmony is best maintained by avoiding any unnecessary friction in their contacts with others. From this has grown the strong Thai feeling of krengchai, which means an extreme reluctance to impose on anyone or disturb his personal equilibrium by direct criticism, challenge, or confrontation. In general, people will do their utmost to avoid personal conflict.
Outward expressions of anger are also regarded as dangerous to social harmony and as being obvious signs of ignorance and immaturity. Indeed, during normal social intercourse, strong public displays of emotion are rare, sometimes leading to misunderstanding among outsiders from other cultures.
Within such a behavioural framework, Thais share very definite views onwhat constitutes friendship and enjoyment. Sincere friendship among Thais is extremely intense; the language is rich in expressions which reflect the degree of involvement and willing self-sacrifice. Such relationships are found particularly among men. A phuan tai, literally ΓÇ£death friend,ΓÇ¥ is a companion for whom it would be an honour to die. Should a friend be involved in difficulties, his friend feels an obligation to help him, regardless of the danger to himself, because tong chuai phuan ΓÇô ΓÇ£one must help oneΓÇÖs friends.ΓÇ¥ This requirement is a sensitive point of honour and explains many circumstances that often baffle outsiders. Displays of dismay, despair, displeasure, disapproval, or enthusiasm are frowned upon. Accordingly, a person who is, or appears to be, serenely indifferent (choei choei) is respected for having what is considered an important virtue.
On the level of acquaintanceship, politeness predominates. When greeting people, Thais will usually show their concern for othersΓÇÖ health by remarking how ΓÇ£thinΓÇ¥ or ΓÇ£fatΓÇ¥ he or she has become.
The remark is intended as a gesture of friendship.
Individual Life Cycles
A Thai baby officially becomes ΓÇ£someoneΓÇ¥ after its name is chosen, frequently by the abbot of the village temple, and entered in the village headΓÇÖs records. Soon after birth the child will be given a nickname, nearly always of one syllable. Intimates will continue to call him or her by this nickname for the rest of his life and may indeed have to think for a while to remember the proper name.
Childhood is a carefree, cosseted time. By the age of four children regularly meet up to play beyond the family compound, with boys and girls generally segregated and roaming freely throughout the village. Boys play make-believe games, fly kites, plough imaginary fields, and hunt insects and harmless reptiles. Girls nurse make-shift dolls, ΓÇ£sellΓÇ¥ mud-pies in make-believe markets, play games emulating their mothers, and look after younger brothers and sisters.
Gradually the children are drawn into work patterns. At around eight years of age, girls increasingly help with household chores and boys assume greater responsibilities such as feeding
domestic animals and guarding the family buffalo as it grazes or wallows in mud-holes
Children also attend the government village school to be taught from a standard nationwide curriculum. They acquire varying degrees of literacy and study Buddhist ethics and Thai history. All receive a comprehensive education and by coming into contact with children from neighbouring villages and visiting the provincial capital on school trips they enjoy a broadening of social experience.
Having received ever-increasing workloads and responsibilities, youths of 15 or 16 are already regarded as fully mature adult labourers. Between graduation from school and marriage at around 20, most village males go into the monastery, usually for the duration of one rainy season, to make merit for themselves and their parents; in some areas, a man who has never been a monk is avoided by marriageable girls, who regard him as a khon dip, literally an ΓÇ£unripe person.ΓÇ¥
The village girlΓÇÖs entrance into adolescence is a gentle one. Courtship is confined initially to communal work groups during planting and harvesting and at monastery-centred festivals and activities. There may be extensive banter between boys and girls but, individually, young people tend to be shy and ΓÇ£whirlwind courtshipsΓÇ¥ are exceedingly rare. Emotional relationships mature slowly and customarily involve chaperoned meetings at the girlΓÇÖs house.
Most young people select their own marriage partners. Parental disapproval is rare since marriages often take place between families within the same village, further strengthening and widening communal ties. A marriage is sometimes presented as a fait accompli by children who work in towns or cities beyond parental control. In many parts of the country, it is the custom for the groom to move in with the brideΓÇÖs family, thus providing extra labour for the family fields and also, incidentally, avoiding friction between mother and daughter-in-law.
Early in the morning of the wedding day, in accordance with traditional Buddhist belief that married life should begin with merit-making, the bride and groom offer food to village monks and present them with small gifts. In return, the monks bless the couple and the house or room where they will live.
This village marriage ceremony bestows no official validity on their union but is merely a public proclamation that the two people will live together as man and wife. The young coupleΓÇÖs wrists are ceremoniously bound together in the presence of village elders and they are led to their marriage chamber as guests feast, drink, sing, and dance. Later, their marriage is officially registered at the district office and becomes a fact of law. Daily tasks are generally divided equally between husband and wife. Women normally do the household chores, but they work in the fields during planting and harvesting, Men perform heavier tasks and fieldwork, fetch water, and occasionally clean their own clothes. Thai village men are often very good cooks and sometimes help prepare the food for festivals.
After marriage, every couple eagerly awaits the birth of their first child, which usually comes during the first year. Children have a high position in rural values since there is strength in numbers, a vital sense of continuity is ensured, and many hands make farming activities easier. Often there is an unspoken preference for boys since they alone may be ordained as priests to gain merit for themselves and their parents, but no love is withheld if the child proves to be a girl.
Everyday village dress is simple. Men generally wear shorts, a plain shirt, and their versatile phakaoma, a checkered rectangle of cloth loosely worn around the waist which, at a momentΓÇÖs notice, can serve as a turban for protection against the sun, a loincloth for modesty during public bathing, a sweat-absorbing towel, or a hammock. Women wear the phasin, the Thai version of the sarong, and a simple blouse or bodice. Children wear similar clothing as their parents except when they are dressed in their school uniforms.
